In accordance with the Article 97 of the United Nations
Charter and the joint letter of the President of the General Assembly and
President of the Security Council dated 15th of December 2015, the Republic of
Moldova has the honor to presents the candidature of Her Excellency Ambassador
Natalia Gherman, who held the position of the First Deputy Prime Minister and
Minister of Foreign Affairs and European Integration of the Republic of
Moldova, for the post of the Secretary General of the United Nations.
Friday, April 8, 2016
Thursday, October 30, 2014
Right of education in separatist eastern region of Moldova at UN
STATEMENT
by H.E. Vlad Lupan, Ambassador,
Permanent Representative of the Republic of Moldova to the
United Nations
during the general discussions under the agenda item 68 (b)
and (c),
Third Committee, 69th session of the United
Nations General Assembly
M Chair,
The Republic of Moldova is fully
committed to the protection of human rights and commends the intense work of
the United Nations bodies involved in the promotion and respect of human rights
all over the world.
My country remains fully supportive to the
Secretary General’s Strategic Framework for 2014-2015, involving thematic
priorities such as combat discrimination, promoting rule of law and
accountability, fighting violence, inequality and continuing efforts to improve international
human rights mechanisms, and widening the democratic space. We share these
priorities and bring our national contributions, as well best regional
practices, to these priorities.
Thus, being an active member of the Council of
Europe (CoE) and in the European Union-Republic of Moldova human rights dialogue,
we have steadily contributed to further enhancing the coordination and
increasing synergies among international and regional mechanisms. We firmly
believe that such an approach brings more efficiency and further consolidates
results in fulfillment and promotion of human rights.
As an example of regional commitments taken at the
CoE, EU and relevant for the United Nations, the Republic of Moldova took the
decision to abolish the death penalty in 1995, four years after its
independence. Since adopting this decision the Republic of Moldova has
consistently supported and promoted the abolition of death penalty in all
relevant international fora, including CoE, EU and the UN. Accordingly, the Republic of Moldova became a core group co-sponsor of
the HRC resolution on the abolition of death penalty now, and uses this
opportunity to call on all states to join a global moratorium on the death
penalty as a first step towards its abolition. This example of national,
regional and international joint approach proves how this multi-layered
approach can strengthen our coordination and synergies in respect of human
rights.
Speaking about universal mechanisms, as a candidate
to the Human Rights Council for the term 2020-2022, the Republic of Moldova
stresses that the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) has proved to be an important
tool to promote the implementation of the human rights nationally and
internationally. We are glad that this mechanism reconfirmed its usefulness yet
again this year. The Republic of Moldova is attaching great importance to this
exercise and, for example, organized the 4th French-speaking seminar
on the UPR together with IOF and the OHCHR on 11-12 April 2014, in Chisinau.
This event offered a good experience sharing platform in implementation of the
UPR recommendations and finding best ways to improve UPR durability. In this
context, we share the view that greater priority should be given to implementation and follow-up to the recommendations made by the UPR, Treaty Bodies and
Special Procedures for real impact of human rights on the ground. As a country
that has streamlined the recommendations of the UPR, Treaty Bodies and regional
organizations in the National Human Rights Action Plan, we can confirm that
this is, indeed, an efficient tool for systematic implementation of human
rights and can be a useful example for other UN member states.
M Chair,
Promotion and, particularly,
protection of human rights is a justified and moral priority around the world
today. Violations
of human rights may be indeed a serious indicator not only of ongoing, but also
of potential crises. We believe that the promotion of the Rights Up Front
Initiative, with a growing number of Member States and
intergovernmental bodies, as well as the determination within the United
Nations to anchor human rights throughout the work of the Organization, should help strengthening the
ability of the United Nations to respond in a timely and effective manner to
human rights situations of concern and might help prevent crises as well.
As there is a shift in the
security developments around the world, so does the pattern of attention to the
human rights needs to include these developments. Human rights related problems
are rising in conjunction to security developments inside the states. Some of
these concerns are not new, however, and show the need to keep our attention to
such problems as frozen conflicts. We
continue to be concerned about the human rights situation in the Transnistrian
region of the Republic of Moldova. Due to the unresolved conflict the region
remains outside the monitoring process of the national and international human
rights mechanisms. In terms of ensuring outreach, dissemination and compliance
with the international standards on human rights, the region remains an
unexploited territory. While the Republic of Moldova devotes extensive efforts
to ensure respect of the rights of individuals in accordance with the national
and international legal framework, the human rights represents one of the
priorities on the agenda of negotiation process aimed
at resolving this protracted conflict. One of the human rights topics which are
constantly on the agenda of Moldovan Government is the situation around
functioning of the Moldova-administered Latin Script Schools situated in the
Transnistrian region. Throughout the years, the schools experienced various
forms of pressure and intimidation from different Transnistrian structures.
Currently these schools are operating in an environment of uncertainty and
insecurity and confront with a number of challenges including discriminatory
policies. The Government of the Republic of Moldova is committed to identify
solutions through dialogue. In parallel central authorities are constantly appealing to the Transnistrian side to refrain from
any unilateral actions that could lead to the deterioration of conditions
in which schools are operating. Permanent attention by our international
partners to this issue is still much needed.
M Chair,
In a year from now, the new development agenda with the SDGs at
its core will come to complement the existing Millennium Development Goals. We
need to stress the relevance of strengthening the linkages between the three
dimensions of the sustainable development. We know there is an inseparable
relationship between sustainable development and human rights, because the
respect for human rights means empowerment, and empowerment is as a
prerequisite for development. A human rights-based approach is essential to development
progress.
Therefore, M Chair, in conclusion,
I want to assure you of the Republic of Moldova’s commitment to further engage
in the promotion and protection of human rights worldwide.
I thank you!
Wednesday, October 22, 2014
Withdrawal of Russian forces from Moldova is requested & concerns in and around Ukraine
STATEMENT
by Ambassador Vlad Lupan, Permanent
Representative of the Republic of Moldova to UN, at the thematic debate of the
UN General Assembly First Committee,
69th session, on Conventional
Weapons
New York, 22 October
2014
Mr. Chairman,
Since this is my first opportunity to address the 1st
Committee, it is my honor to congratulate you on your assumption of the
chairmanship of the First Committee and other Bureau members on their election
as well. We pledge to support your leadership and the work of this Committee.
I would also like to avail myself of the opportunity
to express my appreciations to Ambassador Ibrahim
Dabbashi, Permanent Representative of Libya, for his efforts
as the Chair of First Committee during the previous session.
Mr. Chair,
The Republic of
Moldova aligns itself with the statement delivered by the European Union on Conventional
Weapons, while I would like to add in my national capacity
some remarks of importance to my
country.
We welcome the entry into force of the Arms Trade Treaty in December
2014. The Republic of Moldova started the ratification
process, and expects to be able to conclude this procedure as soon as possible. We are committed to go ahead with
the implementation of the ATT’s provisions and call other state-parties for the global, wide,
transparent and effective implementation of the Treaty upon the entry into
force of the document. And of course, in anticipation, we also wish success to
The First Conference of States Parties of the ATT to take place in 2015.
In particular let me
reiterate an important element of the Treaty that we have underlined forcefully
during its adoption – there is a strong and repeatedly expressed believe by the
Republic of Moldova that this Treaty should not only ensure the transparency
and accountability in transfers of conventional weapons per se, it should also help
preventing illicit trafficking of such arms, particularly to separatist
unrecognized entities. This is of vital importance to my country and in the
current dangerous and complex regional security context.
In this context, we
stress again that our aim is to develop and strengthen national capacities of
weapons control and adjust them to international standards, in particular improve
national legislation on trade, and also practices for arms and military
equipment trade, with the support of our traditional partners. We call for new
partners and donors to step in these important projects.
The Republic of Moldova
also remains committed to the implementation the UN Programme of Action (PoA)
on Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW) and expresses its satisfaction with the
outcome of the 5th Biennial Meeting on SALW. We also welcome the UNSC resolution 2117 of 26 September 2013 on small
arms and light weapons. At the same time, we recall again the security
developments in the region and remind about the need for an effective SALW
control mechanism in these circumstances.
Mr. Chair,
The Republic of Moldova stresses yet again that today more than ever we should focus on a combination of global and regional
conventional arms control arrangements, as our particular situation in Europe shows. A genuine security, progress in arms controls and disarmament,
could be achieved if a complex set of measures is taken at all levels – international, regional and national.
That
is why we underline that we would welcome an early progress and result on
conventional arms control agreement in Europe. My country highly values the
contribution of both cornerstone documents – the Treaty on
Conventional Armed Forces in Europe and the Vienna Document on CSBMs, in ensuring
military balance, security and transparency on the continent. However, legally binding
provisions of a Treaty, in this particular case
of the CFE Treaty regime, cannot be replaced by any
politically binding commitments. Any future control regime in this respect is to be based on a legally
binding system of verifiable equipment limits, include information exchange and
verification measures, as well as take full account of other relevant elements
of the Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe (CFE Treaty). Such a regional
regime should be in conformity with, in our case, the OSCE Helsinki Final Act
principles, leaving no place for misinterpretation. Moreover, such a
conventional arms control arrangement shall only strengthen the respect for
sovereignty and territorial integrity of states-parties. We firmly believe that
among other important elements, a new Euro-Atlantic arrangement should
reinforce the principle of host-nation consent to the stationing of foreign
military forces.
As
an example of positive results that we would have expected from such regional
arms controls regime would be the reality in which the revitalization and full operationalization of the CFE regime would have provided as a result the fulfillment
of all related commitments undertaken at the OSCE Istanbul Summit in 1999 – particularly,
the withdrawal of foreign military presence from Moldova, which does not enjoy
the consent of the host country. And this would mean the remaining stockpiles of
conventional ammunitions from Colbasna and the so-called Operative Group of
Russian Forces, which guards these stockpiles. Regional arms control regimes, thus, do matter.
Moreover,
the existing developments, particularly, the crisis in
and around Ukraine poses a serious test for the arms control instruments and toolboxes of the UN and regional organizations
under Chapter VIII of the UN. Our efforts, therefore, should focus on the
implementation and strengthening of the existing commitments adopted at the UN and regional organizations. Thus, for example, a
functional CFE regime would have been a valuable asset, if
appropriate political will would have been displayed, to dispel concerns and defuse tensions, contributing to
stabilization of the situation
in and around Ukraine. Hence,
UN could consider sending a political message of encouragement of the
development of appropriate regional arms control tools, as a part of the global
arms control effort.
Mr. Chair,
In
conclusion, I am reaffirming the commitment of the Republic of Moldova to continue its engagement
in the issues associated with the
conventional weapons control.
Thank you.
Thursday, March 27, 2014
Statement - Resolution on Ukraine UNGA
Statement by H.E.
Mr. Vlad Lupan,
Ambassador,
Permanent Representative
of the Republic of
Moldova to the United Nations
at UN General Assembly
Plenary meeting on agenda item 33 (b)
Prevention of armed conflicts: Strengthening the role of mediation in the
peaceful settlement of disputes, conflict prevention and resolution
New York, 27 March 2014
(explanation after
the vote)
Mr. President,
The
Republic of Moldova followed with great concern the unfolding of the situation
in Ukraine and remains deeply worried about the developments in this
neighboring and friendly country. In this context we have already stressed our
position that we support the principles
of the international law applying to all member states, in this particular case
to Ukraine as well – on the independence,
sovereignty, territorial integrity within internationally recognized borders,
in accordance with the UN Charter, including Article 2. We also believe that
the bilateral And multilateral agreements make a body of the international law and
need to be observed, including in the case of Ukraine.
While
welcoming the commitment of the Ukrainian authorities to respect and protect
the rights of all persons in Ukraine, including minorities, we acknowledge that
the future of Ukraine can be considered and decided only upon the free will and
aspirations of all Ukrainians themselves, without any outside influence.
We regret the
conduct of the so-called “referendum” in Crimea. The Government of the Republic
of Moldova expressed its position on March 16 and reiterates that the so-called
“referendum” on the status of the Crimean peninsula cannot be legal due to the
fact that it contravenes to the Ukrainian Constitution and international law.
The conditions in which this so-called “referendum” took place could not be
considered a free expression of people’s will and does not correspond to
relevant international standards and law.
Mr.
President,
The Republic of
Moldova stands with the people of Ukraine and will provide all the support to
the efforts to overcome the current crisis in a peaceful manner and in conformity
with principles of international law.
We also commend
the ongoing UN efforts with regard to this crisis and are looking forward to
the continued constructive role of Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, and UN system
as a whole in that regard. We additionally welcome
the March 21stOSCE
Permanent Council Decision to deploy an OSCE special monitoring mission to
Ukraine, taken this time by consensus, a good example for the UN as well.
Mr. President,
This crisis brought
difficult times to the existing system of inter-state relations and to the UN. The implementation of the international principles on
sovereignty, territorial integrity, independence, rule of law, including in the
framework of multilateral and bilateral relations, the respect for human rights
and free and fair expression of people’s will are tantamount for the
well-functioning of this institution in particular and to the system of
international security and international relations as a whole. As a country
that has an unresolved, protracted separatist conflict on its territory for
over 20 years, we look forward to the resolution of conflicts through peaceful
means and dialogue. This is the reason why my delegation voted in favor of this
resolution, supporting the respect for the UN Charter and its principles.
Thank you.
Wednesday, February 19, 2014
Consiliul de Securitate ONU: sunt mentionate "transnistria", necesitatea de avea o noua operatiunie de mentinere a pacii, situatia scolilor din "transnistria" si experienta negativa de interefenta in afacerile interne ale statului
Statement
by
Ambassador Vlad LUPAN, Permanent Representative of the Republic of Moldova
to
the United Nations at the UN Security Council Open Debate on
“Promotion and strengthening of the rule of law
in the maintenance of
international peace and security”,
New
York, 19 February 2014
Madame President,
As this is my first opportunity to speak this
year in the Security Council, I would like to congratulate Lithuania for being
elected and serving to this body and express our appreciations for organizing
this important debate today, in a manner to which we all can contribute.
I also wish to thank the UN Secretary General
for the today’s report and his strong commitment to strengthening and
mainstreaming the United Nations support to the Rule of Law (RoL) in all areas
of UN activities, and in this particular instance on the maintenance of
international peace and security, including in the peacekeeping operations. I
would also like to commend the amplified UN attention to the Rule of Law and Justice
through High Level Meetings on this topic, and during the discussions in the
General Assembly and Security Council, or consultations on the connection between
RoL and Conflict Prevention, and Post-conflict Building in the Sustainable
Development Goals, as well as various other activities in the United Nations
system. Latest changes in many parts of the world, the new threats and
challenges to international peace and security strengthen even more the idea
that all the aspects of the rule of law, ranging from citizen's security, to
the respect for rights and freedoms of the people, should be ever present on
the UN agenda.
Madame President,
The Republic of Moldova aligns itself with the
Statement of the European Union delivered earlier today.
During the open debates on the SDGs on the RoL
and conflict prevention and post-conflict building, we already brought the attention
to the fact that one aspect of this process is often overlooked - the need to
promoting and strengthening the RoL in the areas affected by protracted
conflicts that have not been addressed adequately during previous debates.
Nevertheless they too require our full attention and we will refer to them
further in my statement.
Madame President,
The security environment in our world is in a
permanent change and the proliferation and diversification of the risks and
threats are a constant cause of concern. Issues such as international terrorism,
good governance, internal conflicts, and cyber security are being discussed by
the international community more than before. Hence, the
respect for the RoL on the international and national levels remains as
important as ever.
From the international
point of view, the principles of sovereignty, territorial integrity and
non-interference in internal affairs of a state, remain valid and pertinent – and
my country's experience is a clear proof of that.
(addendum: As we
already aligned ourselves to the statement of the European Union where current
main hotspots on the international level were mentioned, the PM/Government of
the Republic of Moldova also issued a press statement mentioning that it
watches and continues to follow with deep concern the situation in Ukraine, as
neighbours and from the perspective of the regional security as well. The
PM/Government is extremely saddened by the loss of life. Sincere sympathies go
to the relatives of the deceased along the wishes of speedy recovery to those
injured. The PM/Government further urges the parties to refrain from violent
action, to defuse the situation and to establish an open dialogue that would
lead to reconciliation and identify ways to overcome the political crisis. All
divergences in this neighboring and friendly country are crucial to the
stability in the region as a whole, so we are watching for these differences to
find a solution exclusively by peaceful means, in compliance with democratic
norms, as violence is never a solution[1].)
From our perspective
the Rule of Law has several implications. One is that the RoL is a precondition
for a better development. We believe
that the security of the State starts from the security of the citizen - and in
a RoL state people need to have the judicial system as a guarantor of their
security. A state that genuinely strives for RoL creates more confidence for
the population, even in conflict areas, as well as in the conflict resolution process.
Moreover, we can do more to uphold international law through our national
systems by an effective implementation of international conventions.
We should also acknowledge a framework of institutions
aiming at supporting the international law, peace and security - thus, peacekeeping remains an important mechanism to assist countries passing
through a difficult transition from conflict to peace, and is a collective
effort supported by all of us. In this regard Moldova is contributing to the UN
and NATO peacekeeping efforts in Kosovo with a military contingent.
Let me refer also to the situation in my country, the Republic of
Moldova, which continues to be affected by the unresolved Transnistrian
conflict. A peacekeeping mechanism to deal inter alia with incidents in the conflict
zone was created after the cessation of the military hostilities back in 1992.
But today, the incidents we are dealing with in the former conflict zone are
not related to the military security anymore – these are usually breaches of
public order. In this context, we believe a civilian peacekeeping mission corresponding
to the UN principles and standards, in line with the RoL concept for the
purposes of durable and just peace and security would be much more relevant.
Without
forgetting a more grass root level, one should mention that Confidence Building
Measures (CBMs) are also very important, in particular in conflict prevention
and often in peacekeeping efforts. (addend.: As an example) A number of CBMs are implemented in the Republic of
Moldova as part of the Transnistrian conflict resolution process. CBM programs
in case of Moldova cover matters related to rebuilding and reconnecting
infrastructure, freedom of movement, education, ecology, social-economic
activities. Such CBMs will also be essential for the post-conflict
rehabilitation and reconstruction.
One more element
linked to the RoL more and more is the Security sector reform (SSR), along with
a potential post-conflict disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR)
of military and para-military – whose successful reintegration may, in some
cases, be closely linked to the sustainability of peace. These topics can and
should be in the focus of both the Governments and UN or/and UN mandated
organizations (addend.:
thus regional cooperation is important for the purposes of our discussion).
We shall also refer to the important role of both
national contributions to RoL efforts and to the Justice institutions we
support. Thus, the Republic of Moldova has been present with our
lawyers and judges at the highest level in Timor-Leste, Bosnia and Herzegovina and in Kosovo. At the
same time we have indicated our clear support to the International Court of Justice in peaceful
settlements of disputes, and, in our capacity of the state party to the Rome
statute, the importance and increased role of the International Criminal Court,
complementary to national jurisdictions in fighting impunity for the crimes of
genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes in conflict and post-conflict
situations.
As such examples show, we remain deeply
committed to our general aim to uphold and develop an international order based
on the RoL, where international law, including human rights is fully respected
and implemented, and where accountability is important to maintain a sense of
responsibility for all. Hence, either through national participation or
international support, every state has the chances and possibilities to
contribute to the RoL and international peace and security.
Speaking about
the human rights, which we have mentioned earlier in the context of the
conflict resolution efforts, we shall refer that among many factors, it is also
important to have a free, independent, pluralistic and responsible media. In a
globalized world, such a media could be a window for dialogue, peace and
reconciliation, as well as a conduit for a correct or balanced understanding of
the development and conflict resolution matters. Referring to the freedom of
the media situation in the Transnistrian region of the Republic of Moldova, we
have to acknowledge that media outlets in this region fully controlled or
experience significant pressure from the administration – and this is not a
positive factor in the overall context of the conflict resolution.
We will probably
sound similar to our EU colleagues, who spoke in October 2013, during the
United Nations General Assembly Sixth Committee on Agenda item 85, when we say
that Rule of Law presumes a full respect for human rights – and we will add from
our own experience - that this is particularly important for the societies in
conflict areas.
During the
recent Rights up Front launch at the UN, the violations of human rights have
been marked as indicators of a potential conflict, while unfortunate ongoing
violations of human rights in conflict areas have been highlighted as conflict
aggravators – respectively the need for the UN to watch the human rights situation
have been stressed, along with the idea that promoting the respect for human
rights may reduce existing problems in conflicts.
We have brought
in this context the example of my own country, where the UN expert, Thomas
Hammamberg (former Human Rights Commissioner for Council of Europe) at the
request of the Moldovan government conducted in 2012 a human rights survey in
the conflict area, where unfortunately, the human rights situation, in
particular the one related to children's rights to education, has aggravated.
The need to respect human rights, from such a concrete experience in the Transnistrian region of the Republic of
Moldova, shows a valid point elsewhere - that the respect for human rights is
essential from both humanitarian perspective and for the conflict resolution as
a whole. This goes along with the idea already voiced in this Council that the promotion of the RoL and universal human rights constitute fundamental
requirements for achieving sustainable peace, and, in this context, we commend
the SC for its increasing attention to the promotion of justice and the RoL in
the context of sustainability of peace and security.
While RoL
presumes the respect for human rights and freedoms, for the purposes of conflict
resolution it is also important to understand that the involvement of various
state and non-state actors in the mediation, conflict resolution and
development has to take into account the fact that a conflict in itself is an
extremely sensitive situation – and hence needs a coordinated approach.
Madame President,
In conclusion I am referring once again to the
High Level Dialogue on the Rule of Law and its Declaration, unanimously adopted
by all Member States, strengthening the links between the RoL and the three
pillars of the United Nations: peace and security, sustainable
development and human rights. Republic of Moldova remains directly
interested and committed to continue to actively participate in all efforts
aimed at promoting and strengthening the RoL at the international and state
levels for the purposes of ensuring peace and security.
Thank you.
Tuesday, June 18, 2013
Cine este Dughin?
Sau ce ne spune Wikipedia despre A. Dughin
Chiar daca "wiki" nu intotdeauna este o sursa la care poti face referinta sigura, totusi este si ea o sursa pentru orice internaut. Va indemn sa vedem, neoficial, ce spune.
Pana atunci, Va redau si cum am ajuns sa caut referinte la Aleksandr Dughin - in ultimele zile am primit o serie de e-mailuri de la colegi si amici - imi spuneau sa urmaresc emisiunile cu Dughin la Chisinau. Am vazut comentarii in presa din Republica Moldova despre cat de importanta este domnia sa, ideolog al partidului Presedintelui Putin, etc (de exemplu articolul din ziarul Timpul, dar si din alte publicatii din Republica Moldova):
Titlul din ziarul Timpul - "RUSIA E GATA SĂ INVADEZE MOLDOVA, CUM VA REACȚIONA GUVERNUL?"
http://www.timpul.md/articol/rusia-e-gata-sa-invadeze-moldova-cum-va-reaciona-guvernul-44884.html
Dar din curiozitate am accesat si Wikipedia - cea in engleza si romana vorbeste despre el relatv echilibrat, in comparatie cu... (NB - cea in romana este relativ echilibrata, in comparatie cu ce? acus vedeti!) - insa, pasajele prezente in articolul despre Dughin in Wikipedia de limba rusa sunt mult mai interesante, in opinia mea, desi redau mai jos doar criticile si sustinerile pentru Dughin:
http://ru.wikipedia.org/wiki/%D0%94%D1%83%D0%B3%D0%B8%D0%BD,_%D0%90%D0%BB%D0%B5%D0%BA%D1%81%D0%B0%D0%BD%D0%B4%D1%80_%D0%93%D0%B5%D0%BB%D1%8C%D0%B5%D0%B2%D0%B8%D1%87#.D0.9E.D0.B1.D0.B2.D0.B8.D0.BD.D0.B5.D0.BD.D0.B8.D1.8F_.D0.B2_.D1.84.D0.B0.D1.88.D0.B8.D0.B7.D0.BC.D0.B5
Chiar daca "wiki" nu intotdeauna este o sursa la care poti face referinta sigura, totusi este si ea o sursa pentru orice internaut. Va indemn sa vedem, neoficial, ce spune.
Pana atunci, Va redau si cum am ajuns sa caut referinte la Aleksandr Dughin - in ultimele zile am primit o serie de e-mailuri de la colegi si amici - imi spuneau sa urmaresc emisiunile cu Dughin la Chisinau. Am vazut comentarii in presa din Republica Moldova despre cat de importanta este domnia sa, ideolog al partidului Presedintelui Putin, etc (de exemplu articolul din ziarul Timpul, dar si din alte publicatii din Republica Moldova):
Titlul din ziarul Timpul - "RUSIA E GATA SĂ INVADEZE MOLDOVA, CUM VA REACȚIONA GUVERNUL?"
http://www.timpul.md/articol/rusia-e-gata-sa-invadeze-moldova-cum-va-reaciona-guvernul-44884.html
Dar din curiozitate am accesat si Wikipedia - cea in engleza si romana vorbeste despre el relatv echilibrat, in comparatie cu... (NB - cea in romana este relativ echilibrata, in comparatie cu ce? acus vedeti!) - insa, pasajele prezente in articolul despre Dughin in Wikipedia de limba rusa sunt mult mai interesante, in opinia mea, desi redau mai jos doar criticile si sustinerile pentru Dughin:
http://ru.wikipedia.org/wiki/%D0%94%D1%83%D0%B3%D0%B8%D0%BD,_%D0%90%D0%BB%D0%B5%D0%BA%D1%81%D0%B0%D0%BD%D0%B4%D1%80_%D0%93%D0%B5%D0%BB%D1%8C%D0%B5%D0%B2%D0%B8%D1%87#.D0.9E.D0.B1.D0.B2.D0.B8.D0.BD.D0.B5.D0.BD.D0.B8.D1.8F_.D0.B2_.D1.84.D0.B0.D1.88.D0.B8.D0.B7.D0.BC.D0.B5
По словам известного американского историка Вальтера Лакера, «Дугин пытался на протяжении многих лет представлять синтетические новую идеологию, смесь некоторых наиболее постыдных западных элементов (итальянский неофашизм в стиле Юлиуса Эволы, „Новые правые“ Алена де Бенуа во Франции, и неонацистская геополитика). Позже он понял необходимость некоторых конкретных русских элементов и принял обновленный вариант евразийства». Американский политолог Стивен Шенфилд в своей работе «Русский фашизм» утверждал, что «ключевой для политических воззрений Дугина является классическая концепция „консервативной революции“, направленной на ниспровержение пост-просвещенческого мироустройства и установление нового порядка, в котором должны быть возрождены героические ценности почти забытой „Традиции“. Именно приверженность данной концепции позволяет четко идентифицировать Дугина как фашиста». По мнению Умланда формулировки ряда текстов Дугина, особенно ранних, близки к идеям НСДАП, вплоть до прямого заимствования терминологии и стилистики нацистов. Так, в книге «Гиперборейская теория» Дугин пишет: «Этой книгой мы кладем начало 'ариософии' в русско-язычном контексте»; по словам Дугина
 | арий, в сущности, определяется не столько биологией, сколько той метафизической миссией, отражением которой во плоти является сама его биология. Арийская раса Субъекта — это раса нордических воинов-священников. |  |
Обвинения в путанице во взглядах и противоречивости[править]
По словам Тимура Полянникова,«многие специалисты, бравшиеся за исследование дугинских теорий, приходили к выводу, что искать в них какое-либо единство или внутреннюю логику попросту бессмысленно — слишком пестр и противоречив набор идеологем, которые Дугин транслировал в разное время на разные аудитории (как сказал Лимонов, „чего спрашивать с Дугина, он же сказочник“). Более того, кое-кто полагает, что вообще все дугинское мифотворчество можно понять, только исходя из колебаний внешнеполитической конъюнктуры»[3]. Алан Инграм утверждает, что сочинения Дугина характеризуются «противоречиями и путаницей, которые несколько затрудняют их интерпретацию и обобщение»[34]. Парадорн Рангсимапорн характеризует Дугина как «политического хамелеона, представления которого приспосабливаются к окружающей среде»[35]. Возражая им, украинский исследователь, бывший координатор Евразийского союза молодёжи в Севастополе[36][37] Антон Шеховцов считает социополитическую доктрину Дугина по-своему крайне последовательной, ввиду того, что в контексте фашизма различные — даже внешне противоречащие друг другу — идеи целеустремленно интерпретируются в духе определённого фашистского ядра, по принципу «цель оправдывает средства», и взаимное противоречие идей не имеет значения, если они подтверждают выгодный автору тезис[34].
Обвинения в невежестве[править]
Биофизик Борис Режабек [38], анализируя защиту Дугиным диссертации, которая прошла 20 декабря 2000 г. в Ростовском государственном университете и называлась «Эволюция парадигмальных оснований науки (Философско-методологический анализ)»[39] приводит примеры анекдотических, по его мнению, ошибок в школьном курсе физики, которые он увидел в диссертации. Так, Режабек пишет, что
«Дугин уверен, что второй закон Ньютона выражается формулой F=mv[40] (очевидно, в голове автора основной закон динамики фундаментально перепутался с формулой кинетической энергии, а может быть, и с формулой Эйнштейна, что и породило нелепое выражение на стр. 108 диссертации). Уравнение Шрёдингера, по его мнению, звучит так: энергия (постоянная) частицы равна частоте волны, умноженной на h (постоянная Планка), а импульс частицы, который меняется в поле сил от точки к точке, равен постоянной h, делённой на длину соответствующей волны, подобным же образом меняющейся в пространстве.» (с. 144) Этот пассаж напоминает анекдот о двоечнике, который сдаёт экзамен по физике. Его спрашивают: «Чему равна постоянная Планка?» Он пишет: h=3. «Чепуха! Но скажите хотя бы, что такое h?» — «А это высота этой планки!» Примерно такого же уровня вся эрудиция Дугина в области физики, хотя он и очень «образованность хочет показать», жонглируя такими словами, как «суперструны», «фракталы», «дао-материя»[41].
Также, по мнению Бориса Режабека, она содержит абсурдные высказывания в области философии: «так, Лейбниц и Ньютон для него — „полупрофаны“, поскольку не до конца посвящены в идеи розенкрейцеров; Архимед и Евклид с Пифагором виноваты в том, что человечество научилось мыслить не только в категориях власти и подчинения; к тому же, по Дугину критерии науки „ясно связаны с англо-саксонским ареалом, в первую очередь с Англией“, а это уже, считает Борис Режабек, „очевидно пахнет зловредным влиянием атлантистов. О том, что наука Европы начиналась прежде всего в Академиях Италии, он как бы и не подозревает“».[41].. Присуждение Дугину учёной степени Борис Режабек называет «фарсом»[41].
Критика взглядов Дугина националистами[править]
Одновременно Александр Дугин подвергается резкой критике со стороны радикальных националистов, которые обвиняют его в интернационализме, видя в его построениях продолжение советской имперской идеологии, только лишённой марксизма[42].
SI IN FINAL LAUDELE, conform Wikipedia (vedeti si cine il lauda si sustine):
К идеям Дугина положительно относятся такие общественные и политические деятели, как журналист Первого канала Михаил Леонтьев[43], высокопоставленный сотрудник Администрации Президента РФ Иван Демидов[44], декан философского факультета СПбГУЮ. Н. Солонин[45], ведущий программы «Судите сами» Первого канала М. Л. Шевченко[46].
Писатель и публицист, главный редактор газеты «Завтра» Александр Проханов сказал, что
Александр Дугин — выдающийся русский человек. Это звезда, встающая на нашем небосклоне. Во многом ему нет равных. Он проходит огромные исторические пласты, воскрешает прежние архетипы. Дугин совмещает русские традиции и модернистский авангард. Думаю, что его евразийский пафос обладает такой притягательностью, что будет собирать толпы поклонников и последователей. Дугин — один из ярчайших идеологов наших дней.[1]
Председатель Исламского комитета России; постоянный член Организации Исламо-арабская народная конференция (ОИАНК); член Совета Левого фронта России; депутат Национальной ассамблеи Российской Федерации Гейдар Джемаль:
Дугин и есть такой подлинный интеллектуал. Может быть, среди всех писателей прошлого лишь Достоевский немного коснулся специфики подлинного интеллектуализма, потому что время от времени его герои вдруг как бы останавливаются, осенённые, поражённые страшной, единственной мыслью, которая вырывает их из колеи обыденного существования, и они потом уединяются от всяких контактов, разговоров — додумать эту огромную страшную мысль. Неважно, что это за мысль, важно, что она всегда грандиозна, парадоксальна по отношению к внешнему миру, к той среде, в которой они находятся. Шатов, Кириллов — это классические прообразы подлинных интеллектуалов, которых смог описать только Достоевский. В этом смысле Дугин — интеллектуал по Достоевскому. Подлинный интеллектуал — это человек, для которого собственная мысль важнее его физического существования.[47]
Iata, deci, aceasta persoana a fost invitata in Republica Moldova.
P.S. Aceasta este o postare personala prin care am prezentat "gaselnitele" mele din internet. Concluziile (trebuie sa) Va apartin(a)...
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)